Associate Professor Chongyi Feng

Feng, C. 2009, Liberalism in CCP, 1, Mirror Books, New York.
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Feng, C. & Qiu, Y. 2005, The Wisdom of Reconciliation: China's Road to Liberal Democracy, 1, Mirror Books, New York.
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Feng, C. 2003, From 'Sinification' to Globalisation, 1, China Social Sciences Press, China.
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Feng, C. 2008, Duo Xueke Shiye Zhong de Zhongguo [Research on China from Multi-disciplinary Perspectives], Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe, Beijing.

Feng, C. 2008, Duo Xueke Shiye Zhongde Zhongguo, China Social Science Press, China.

Feng, C. 2007, China in the 20th Century (Ershi shiji de Zhongguo, China Social Science Press, Hong Kong.

Feng, C. 2007, Constitutional Democracy and Harmonious Society (Xianzhen minzhu yu hexie shehui), Tidetime Publishing Limited, Hong Kong.

Feng, C. 2004, Constitutional Government and China (Xianzheng yu zhongguo), Hong Kong Press for Social Sciences, Hong Kong.

Feng, C. 2004, Li Shenzhi and the Fate of Liberalism in China (Li Shenzhi yu ziyou zhuyi zai zhongguo de mingyun, Hong Kong Press for Social Sciences, Hong Kong.

Feng, C. 2000, North China At War, Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham.

Feng, C. 1999, The Political Economy of China's Provinces: comparative and competitive advantage, Routledge, New York, London.

Feng, C. 1998, The Social Ecology and Base Areas in Resistance against the Japanese in North China (Huabei kangri genjudi yu shehui shengtai), Contemporary China Press, Beijing.

Feng, C. 2012, 'The Patriotic Performance of Overseas Chinese in Australia and the Damage of Unhealthy Nationalism' in Globalization and Identification - the Paradox of Contemporary Chinese Nationalism, City University of Hong Kong Press, Hong Kong, pp. 195-207.

Feng, C. 2012, 'The Threat of Charter 08' in Jean-Philippe Beja, Fu Hualing, and Eva Pils (eds), Liu Xiaobo, Charter 08 and Challenges of Political Reform in China, Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong, pp. 119-139.

Feng, C. 2011, ''Tantao zai jieqing pingtai shang chuangzao caifu de chenggong zhi dao' (An Exploration for the Success of Turning Festivals into a Platform for Wealth Creation)' in Chen Yirong (ed), The Festival Industry and Urban Development, Central Compilation and Translation Press, Beijing, pp. 4-11.
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Abstract: Turning festivals into a platform for wealth creation is one of remarkable successful stories in China during the era of reform and opening to the outside world. This chapter examines key factors contributing to the rapid development of the festival industry or festival economy in Ningbo, a city on the east coast of China. In particular, it explores the connection between the development of the festival industry and the Chinese traditional philosophy of pragmatism, the Ningbo variety of Buddhism, and the Ningbo tradition of commercial culture.

Feng, C. 2011, 'Falun Gong in the Academic Perspective' in Ling Xiaohui (ed), A Study on Factors Contributing to Rapid Development of Falun Gong: with Discussion on Qi Gong and I, Boda International, Taipei, pp. 5-13.
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The sustained all-out campaigns by the Chinese authorities since 1999 have not been able to eliminate Falun Gong, which has involved millions of followers and spread to more than one hundred countries in the world. The Chinese authorities have labelled Falun Gong as an 'evil sect' to brutally suppress it, but that label does not confirm to the definition of 'evil sect' in the West. There are many ways to define the phenomenon of Falun Gong in the academic perspective. Falun Gong cannot be defined as a religion in term of its ultimate concern, belief system, activities and 'organisation' in particular. Falun Gong can be a Chinese popular belief and practice defying a definition but requiring further research.

Feng, C. 2011, 'The Chinese Tradition, China Model and Chinese Modernity' in Li Honglei (ed), Zhi Dao Xin Quan (Traditional Chinese Theories of Government: New Interpretations), Zhongshan University Press, Guangzhou, pp. 153-161.
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The 'economic miracle' in China during the past three decades has prompted many scholars to present a China discourse that China is no longer a country in transition but has created the +China Model+ leading to the +Chinese modernity+. This article argues that the state-led rapid economic growth is not unique to China but common among many East Asian countries since the 1950s and other countries characterised as +state capitalism+ in other parts of the world; that this model of development has generated structural problems and is not sustainable; that there is no such a thing as +Chinese modernity+; that the major consequence of pursuing an +alternative modernity+ based on national culture is to create obstacles for China+s march to modernity.

Feng, C. 2010, 'Feminism, women literature, and setting to rights what has been thrown into chaos' in Lin Songyu (ed), Woman Writers: The Role and Voice, Guangxi Normal University Press, Guilin, pp. 1-9.
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The role of feminism in contemporary China is controversial, due to both the nature of this ideology itself and its application in China. This article argues that while women movement based on liberalism has contributed to gender equality and liberation of women in China since the modern times, feminist movement in contemporary China tends to sacrifice women+s rights and interests for the leftist fantasies. The article also points that as attempts had been made by the so-called +socialist revolution+ in general and the +Proletarian Cultural Revolution+ in particular to eliminate the distinction between men and women, the same line of thinking advocated by contemporary feminists alienates Chinese women who chose to take back their distinctive disposition destroyed by the revolutions.

Feng, C. 2009, 'The Third Way' in Kinglung Ngok, Chan Chak Kwan, Han Keqing (eds), Zhongguo shehui zhengce (Social Policies in China), Gezhi Publishing House/Shanghai People's Publishing House, Shanghai, China, pp. 43-51.
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Feng, C. 2007, 'Democratization in China and Democrats within the Chinese Communist Party' in Feng Chongyi (ed), Constitutional Democracy and Harmonious Society (Xianzhen minzhu yu hexie shehui), Hong Kong: Tidetime Publishing Limited, Hong Kong, pp. 87-115.
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Feng, C. 2007, 'Introduction: Constitutional Democracy rather than One-Party Dictatorship is the Institutional Foundation for Harmonious Society' in Feng Chongyi (ed), Constitutional Democracy and Harmonious Society (Xianzhen minzhu yu hexie shehui), Hong Kong: Tidetime Publishing Limited, Hong Kong, pp. 1-11.
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Feng, C. & Zhan, C. 2006, 'Openness, change and translocality: new migrants' identification with Hainan' in Oakes, T: Schein, L (eds), Translocal China: Linkages, Identities and the Re-imagining of Space, Routledge, London and New York, pp. 74-92.
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Feng, C. 2005, 'From Barrooms to Teahouses: Commercial Nightlife in Hainan Since 1988' in Jing Wang (ed.) (ed), Locating China: Space, place, and popular culture, Routledge, London & New York, pp. 133-149.
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Feng, C. 2004, 'Li Shenzhi and Liberal Democrats within the Chinese Communist Party' in Feng, Chongyi (eds), Li Shenzhi and the Fate of Liberalism in China, Hong Kong Press for Social Sciences, Hong Kong, pp. 121-146.
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Feng, C. 2004, 'Li Shenzhi, Liberalism and Grand Transformation in China (introduction)' in Feng, Chongyi (eds), Li Shenzhi and the Fate of Liberalism in China, Hong Kong Press for Social Sciences, Hong Kong, pp. 1-7.
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Feng, C. 2004, 'Social Democracy and the Constitutional Government Movement in China in the 1940s' in Feng Chongyi (ed), Constitutional Government and China, Hong Kong Press for Social Sciences, Hong Kong, pp. 82-103.
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Feng, C. 2004, 'The Party-state, Liberalism and Social Democracy: the debate on China's future' in Edward Gu and Merle Goldman (eds), Chinese Intellectuals Between State and Market, RoutledgeCurzon, London, UK, pp. 223-260.
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Feng, C. 2004, 'The Persistent Quest for Liberal Constitutional Government in China (introduction)' in Feng Chongyi (ed), Constitutional Government and China, Hong Kong Press for Social Sciences, Hong Kong, pp. 1-7.
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Feng, C. 2003, 'Chinese Culture and the 'Third Way' in the Twenty-First Century' in Jun, Liang (eds), Cong Zhongguo Hua Dao Quanqiuhua [From Sinification to Globalisation], Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe [Chinese Publishing House of Social Sciences], Beijing, pp. 71-82.
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Feng, C. 2003, 'From Sinification to Globalisation' in Jun, Liang (eds), Cong Zhongguo Hua Dao Quanqiuhua [From Sinification to Globalisation], Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe [Chinese Publishing House of Social Sciences], Beijing, China, pp. 1-8.
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Feng, C. 2003, 'Nationalism, Liberalism or Socialism; bewilderment of intellectuals in modern and contemporary China' in Jun, Liang (eds), Cong Zhongguo Hua Dao Quanqiuhua [From Sinification to Globalisation], Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe [Chinese Publishing House of Social Sciences], Beijing, China, pp. 83-111.
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Feng, C. 2000, 'Fansi Wusi Yilai de xin Rujia (An Assessment of Neo Confucians in China since the May 4th Period)' in Wang Dexiang (ed), Zhongguo Zhuanjia Lunwen Xuanji (Selected Works of Experts in China), Zhongguo Xiju Chubanshe, Beijing, China, pp. 79-102.

Feng, C. 2000, 'The Making of the Jin Sui Base Area: Peasants, Intellectuals and Democratization' in Feng C; Goodman D (eds), North China at War: The Social Ecology of Revolution, 1937-1945, Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham, USA, pp. 155-172.

Feng, C. 1999, 'Jiangxi in Reform: The Fear of Exclusion and the Search for a New Identity' in Hans Hendrischke (ed), Political Economy of China's Provinces: Competitive and Comparative Advantage, Routledge, London, pp. 249-276.

Feng, C. 2008, 'View China from Multiple Perspectives' in Feng Chongyi (ed), Duo Xueke Shiye Zhong de Zhongguo [Research on China from Multi-disciplinary Perspectives], Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe (China Social Sciences Press), Beijing, China, pp. 1-5.

Feng, C. 2006, 'Marketisation, Globalisation and Democratisation: Prospects for Civil Society in Hainan' in Goodman, James (eds), Regionalization, Marketization and Political Change in the Pacific Rim, Editorial Centro Universitario De Sociales Y Humanidades (Div of University of Guadalajara Press), Guadalajara, Mexico, pp. 271-289.

Feng, C. 2003, 'Marketisation, Globalisation and Democratisation: Prospect of Civil Society in Hainan' in Jun, Liang (eds), Cong Zhongguo Hua Dao Quanqiuhua [From Sinification to Globalisation], Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe [Chinese Publishing House of Social Sciences], Beijing, pp. 201-211.

Feng, C. 2003, 'Regional Disparity and Government Responsibilities in China' in Jun, Liang (eds), Cong Zhongguo Hua Dao Quanqiuhua [From Sinification to Globalisation], Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe [Chinese Publishing House of Social Sciences], Beijing, China, pp. 225-233.

Feng, C. 2003, 'The Fate of Peasant Associations in the People's Republic of China' in Jun, Liang (eds), Cong Zhongguo Hua Dao Quanqiuhua [From Sinification to Globalisation], Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe [Chinese Publishing House of Social Sciences], Beijing, China, pp. 212-223.

Feng, C. 2012, 'An Alternative Perspective on the Household Registration in China', International East-West Studies, vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 133-146.
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This paper aims to shed new light on the current debate about the household registration system in China. The paper argues that it is inadequate to assess the household registration system merely from the perspective of policy outcome. Instead, fundamental questions should be asked about the fundamental values underpinning this mechanism which condemns the overwhelming majority of Chinese rural population to the misery of secondclass citizens in name of the +people+ for several decades. As a major institutional arrangement of +socialism with Chinese characteristics+, the household registration system fits well with Leninist state socialism monopolising social resources and controlling social mobility for the privilege of the party-state, but violates human rights, equality, social justice and other fundamental values of social democracy.

Feng, C., Hawes, C. & Gu, M. 2012, 'Rights Defence Lawyers as Dissidents in Contemporary China', International Journal of China Studies, vol. 3, pp. 325-344.
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Rights defence lawyers in contemporary China have attracted tremendous attention. Their supporters take them as a leading force for social and political change toward justice, the rule of law and democracy, whereas the hardliners of the ruling Chinese Communist Party regard them as a dangerous hostile force of political dissent. In this article, we will trace the resumption and development of the legal profession in China since the 1980s after its forced disappearance for three decades. Then we will explore the emergence of a group of +rights defence lawyers+ in the context of recent economic, social and political changes. The article will end with a discussion about the potential role of rights defence lawyers in China+s social and political transformation.

Feng, C. 2012, 'Universal Truth versus Chinese Exceptionalism: An Ideological Dilemma', Journal of East-West Thought, vol. 2, no. 3, pp. 87-94.
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This is an analysis of a moral and ideological dilemma facing Ihe Chinese alllhority, with a focus on its shifiing position on so-called "particularity of China ", Originally the Chinese communists were Universalists who rejected their various rivals' arguments about Chinese 'particular national conditions" in order to j ustify their belief in and application 0/ Marxism in China. In those revolutionary years there was genuine rigor in their intellectual exploration, in spite of Marxist-Leninist dogmatism. The recent embracement of the concept of "Chinese characteristics" and attacks on the "universal values", however, seem to indicate that the universalist position has been abandoned altogether to justify the current political system in a special manner. II remains to be seen whether this effort will succeed in establishing an enduring political ideology for a "rising China JJ or otherwise quickly vanish into oblivion just as countless ideological catchphrases before it.

Feng, C. 2011, 'The Changing Political Identity of the Overseas Chinese in Australia', Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal, vol. 3, no. 1, pp. 121-138.
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This paper explores the role played by the Chinese communities in the Australian politics of multicultural democracy from the perspective of political socialisation and resocialisation. It argues that there is no such a thing as inherent +cultural values+ or +national values+ that differentiate `the Chinese+ politically from the mainstream Australian society. This paper focuses on the Chinese nationalism of Han Chinese migrants in Australia. Within the +new mainland migrants+ who have come to Australia directly from the PRC since the 1980s, nationalism is much weaker among the Tiananmen/ June 4 generation who experienced pro-democracy activism during their formative years in the 1980s. Nationalism is much stronger among the Post-Tiananmen Generation who are victims of the +patriotism campaign+ in the 1990s when the Chinese Communist party-state sought to replace discredited communism with nationalism as the major ideology for legitimacy.

Feng, C. 2010, 'Charter 08, the Troubled History and Future of Chinese Liberalism', Japan Focus: an Asia Pacific Journal, vol. 2, pp. 1-18.
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The publication of Charter 08 in China at the end of 2008 was a major event generating headlines all over the world. It was widely recognized as the Chinese human rights manifesto and a landmark document in China+s quest for democracy. However, if Charter 08 was a clarion call for the new march to democracy in China, its political impact has been disappointing. Its primary drafter Liu Xiaobo, after being kept in police custody over one year, was sentenced on Christmas Day of 2009 to 11 years in prison for the +the crime of inciting subversion of state power+, nor has the Chinese communist party-state taken a single step toward democratisation or improving human rights during the year.1 This article offers a preliminary assessment of Charter 08, with special attention to its connection with liberal forces in China.

Feng, C. 2010, 'Zhao Ziyang's Conversion to Liberalism: The Process of Mental Development and the Implications', Modern China Studies, vol. 17, no. 1, pp. 67-90.
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This article is an analysis of the mental development of Zhao Ziyang from a left-wing youth to a revolutionary cadre and from a communist bureaucrat to a liberal. It also explores the implications of Zhao's experience for the current leaders of the Chin~se Communist Party. Zhao's conversion to liberalism started in 1989 when he was 70 and completed around 1996 after he was ousted and put under house arrest. It is argued in this article that, in a post-communist world and under the circumstances of the market economy, social conditions are ripe for the Chinese commlmist leaders to transform themselves to liberals and embrace constitutional democracy; that the two elements for this transformation are the moral courage to transcend the privilege of political monopoly and the capacity to absorb the intellectual and ideological resources of liberalism.

Feng, C. 2009, 'The Chinese Liberal Camp in Post-June 4th China', China Perspectives, vol. 2009, no. 2, pp. 30-39.
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Feng, C. 2009, 'The Rights Defence Movement, Right Defence Lawyers and Prospects for Constitutional Democracy in China', Cosmopolitan Civil Socities An International Resear..., vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 150-169.
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Contrary to the view that democratic aspiration has been utterly marginalised in China since the 1990s, the discourse of democracy continues to flourish via the Internet and other means of communication, and a budding +rights defence movement+ (weiquan yundong) has emerged as a new focus of the Chinese democracy movement in China. The emergence of this rights defence movement foreshadows a new, more optimistic political scenario in which transition to a stable constitutional democracy through constructive interactions between state and society may occur. This paper explores the social and political context behind the rise of the rights defence movement in China, assesses the role played by rights defence lawyers (weiquan lushi) in shaping the rights defence movement and speculates on the implications of the rights defence movement for China+s transition to constitutional democracy.

Feng, C. 2008, 'Democrats within the Chinese Communist Party since 1989', Journal of Contemporary China, vol. 17, no. 57, pp. 673-688.
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The focus of this article is the discourse of democracy among a group of senior retired officials and academics within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since 1989. The post-totalitarian regime prevents them from forming a formal faction, but does not stop them from establishing a visible network and effectively arguing for the case of democratization. They want nothing less than Western style democracy as a system involving effective competition between political parties for positions of power through regular and fair elections, in which all members of the population enjoy the freedom of expression and the freedom to form and join political groups or associations. They publish chiefly on the Internet, but also through printing media home and abroad, including some high profile journals under their control or influence in China. By taking advantage of their profound thinking, rich experience and particularly their seniority within the communist hierarchy, democrats within the CCP are making increasing impacts on democratization in China, effectively keeping the debate on China's democratic future alive in the state media and among the CCP leadership. The response of the top CCP leadership to the proposals by their democrat colleagues is not entirely negative, especially on reaching a consensus of accepting democracy and human rights as universal values. The process of the conversion of Chinese communists to liberals is well under way, and sufficient intellectual resources have been accumulated for a democratic transition or a historical breakthrough of democratization in China

Feng, C. 2007, 'Liberalism and Nationalism in Contemporary China', Portal, vol. 4, no. 1, pp. 1-10.
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Feng, C. 2007, 'Nationalism and Democratisation in Contemporary China', Global Dialogue: Special Issue: The Rise of China, vol. 9, no. 1-2, pp. 49-59.
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Feng, C. 2005, 'Constitutional Democracy: The Very Nature of 'Whole-sale Westernisation' in China', Modern China Studies, vol. 12, no. 2, pp. 81-93.
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Feng, C. 2005, 'The Death of the Concerned Intellectual?', Portal Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies, vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 1-16.
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This paper offers a definition of the intellectual covering both professional and moral dimensions: An intellectual is a specialist who creates and communicates symbolised knowledge as means of living, and hopefully intervenes in social and political affairs in the name of universal values, truth and justice. "Symbolised knowledge" is used in the definition to avoid the confusion with other forms of knowledge derived from direct personal experience in production and life. The purpose of using "specialist" as the subject term is to exclude those categories such politicians, soldiers and business people who exercise political, military, financial and other forms of power instead of intellectual power in their social function. This paper argues that there are many roles played by intellectuals, and the social location and function of intellectuals can be fundamentally different in different societies. When production and communication of knowledge are taken as the primary concern of intellectuals, `the death of the concerned intellectual+ becomes an unwarranted anxiety, because there is no reason to believe that knowledge and truth will no longer be pursued and valued by humankind. Political marginalisation of critical intellectuals, where it is a reality, seems to be caused not so much by the lack of power of intellectuals as by the lack of solidarity among intellectuals to fight for a common cause. The problem lies as much in the lack of enthusiasm among intellectuals to transcend the boundaries of their professional relevance and intervene in broad social and political issues, as in institutional structures consuming too much energy and time of the intellectuals and seducing them to give up their social responsibilities for personal career.

Feng, C. 2003, 'The Return of Liberalism and Social Democracy: Breaking Through the Barriers of State Socialism, Nationalism, and Cynicism in Contemporary China', Issues & Studies: an international quarterly on China, Taiwan, and East Asian Affairs, vol. 39, no. 3, pp. 1-31.
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Feng, C. 2003, 'The Third Way: the Question of Equity as a Bone of Contention Between Intellectual Currents', Contemporary Chinese Thought, vol. 34, no. 4, pp. 75-94.
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Feng, C. 2002, 'Disan daolu shiji meng: Shehui minzhu zhuyi zai zhongguo de lishi huigu (A century's search for the third way: a historical perspective of social democracy in China)', Ershiyi Shiji (The Twenty-first Century Online Version), vol. N/A, no. 7, pp. N/A-N/A.
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Feng, C. 2002, 'Political parties and the prospects for democracy: perspectives from provincial China', Provincial China, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 73-84.
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Feng, C. 2002, 'Shichanghua, quanqiuhua he zhishi fenzi de jueshe zhuanhuan (Marketisation, Globalisation and the Transformation of the Role of Intellectuals in China)', China Studies, vol. N/A, no. 7, pp. 91-108.
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Feng, C. 2001, 'Reluctant Withdrawal of Government and Restrained Development of Society: An assessment of the "Small Government, Big Society" model in Hainan', China Perspectives, vol. 35, no. 5 & 6, pp. 25-37.
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Feng, C. 1999, 'Seeking Lost Codes In The Wilderness: The Search For A Hainanese Culture', China Quarterly, vol. 160, pp. 1036-1056.
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Regional and provincial cultures have (re)emerged in China since the 1980s, regardless of their previous existence or articulation.1 Although it is not yet clear whether this represents the seemingly powerful trend of fragmentation or nothing but a superficial phenomenon generated by the unprecedented pace of economic integration throughout the country, there is every reason to believe that regional and provincial cultures, or identities, in China have been (re)shaped by the new process of modern- ization, decentralization and international interactions that have character- ized the reform era. Competition for resources, markets and preferential policies have forced every locality to mobilize support from their local populations; reform, decentralization, marketization, internationalization, growing provincial autonomy and the decline of state ideology have combined to challenge some time-honoured traditions and provide an opportunity for the discourse of regional cultures and identities.

Wei, X., Charles, I.G., Smith, A.C., Ure, J., Feng, C., Huang, F.Y., Xu, D.X., Muller, W.J., Moncada, S. & Liew, F. 1995, 'Altered Immune-Responses In Mice Lacking Inducible Nitric-Oxide Synthase', Nature, vol. 375, no. 653, pp. 408-411.
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NITRIC oxide (NO) is important in many biological functions(1-5). It is generated from L-arginine by the enzyme NO synthase (NOS), The cytokine-inducible NOS (iNOS) is activated by several immunological stimuli, leading to the production of large quantit

Feng, C. 2009, 'Eddy U., Disorganizing China: Counter-Bureaucracy and the Decline of Socialism', Asian Studies Review, vol. 33, no. June, pp. 229-230.

Feng, C. 2009, 'Hainan-State, Society, and Business in a chinese Province by Kjeld Erik Brodsgaard', The China Journal, vol. 62, no. January, pp. 199-201.

Feng, C. 2002, 'Central Control and Local Discretion in China: Leadership and Implementation during Post-Mao Decollectivization by Jae Ho Chung', The China Journal, vol. 47, no. January, pp. 168-169.

Feng, C. 1996, 'The Economic Transformation of South China: Reform & Development in the Post-Mao Era. by Thomas P. Lyons; Victor Nee', The China Journal, vol. 35, no. January, pp. 161-163.

Feng, C. & Larson, J. 2011, 'Charter 08's Qing Dynasty Precursor', Japan Focus: an Asia Pacific Journal, Japan Focus, http://www.japanfocus.org/, pp. 1-8.
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The primary goal of the 1908 petition and the constitutional government petition movement as a whole was national salvation, preventing China from colonization. The petitioners believed that the political system of constitutional government was the source of national wealth and power; that the Qing government and the political system of imperial autocracy were outmoded as they kept China poor and weak; and that China would be as rich and powerful as the Western powers and Japan when the political system of constitutional government was adopted. The movement was a lost opportunity because the Qing court, instead of easing its legitimacy crisis through fundamental democratic reform, treated leaders of the movement as state enemies and intensified its legitimacy crisis in the years prior to its overthrow in the 1911 Revolution.

Feng, C. 2011, 'Principles and Passion', Principles and Passion, Flower City Publishing House, China.
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The book is a selection of recent prefaces and poems of a well-known scholar Feng Chongyi. It demonstrates a perfect combination of Western thinking with Eastern feelings of this expert of modern Chinese history. The prefaces contribute unique insights on hot topics in contemporary China, while the traditional poems reveal the connection between personal feelings and the times, as well as profound accomplishment of the author in traditional Chinese culture. The book provides readers with an opportunity to appreciate the passion and reflections of Chinese scholars living abroad.

Feng, C. 2012, 'The Relinquishment of Political Power by the Dalai Lama and the Implications for Chinese Leadership', The Department of Information and International Relations, Central Tibetan Administration, pp. 30-35.
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The Impacts and Historical Significance of the Relinquishment of Political Power by the Dalai Lama

Feng, C. 2003, 'On Democratisation in Hong Kong (interview)'.

Feng, C. 2003, 'On Hu Jingtao's Visit to China (interview)'.